In 2021, however, life is already hard enough for millions of Brazilians. Indeed, it marked a watershed moment for the presidential elections of that year, with Jair Bolsonaro standing as the only credible anti-politics candidate. With labor demands intertwined with anti-corruption protests, the 2018 strike epitomized the growing disgust people of all social segments felt for establishment politics. Then in mid-February, Bolsonaro took an even stronger step: announcing that he would replace the CEO of Petrobras, Roberto Castello Branco, after the executive refused to set a ceiling on the price of fuel.ĭespite making life difficult for many Brazilians, the 2018 truckers’ strike enjoyed the support of 87 percent of the country, according to pollster Datafolha. The government also pandered to truckers’ by including them in the priority group for COVID-19 vaccination. Landim said his union will not join the protest until an “apolitical” agenda is at the core of its agenda.Īs talk of a potential strike began gaining steam in late January, President Jair Bolsonaro promised to lower diesel prices by a potential cut in import taxes-although he explained that each cent removed from social security taxes on fuels would cost the already cash-strapped government BRL 800 million (USD 149 million). “We have to fight for our rights and our breadwinning work, not go against the Supreme Court or House Speaker Rodrigo Maia.” “We have seen many using the protest to go after those perceived as enemies of the president,” says Wallace Landim, one of Brazil’s most influential truck drivers’ union leaders, speaking to The Brazilian Report. Their support was not undone even by the circulation of a leaked audio file of Infrastructure Minister Tarcísio de Freitas saying it would be impossible for the government to meet truckers’ demands, as well as monitoring whether promises made in 2018 are being met. While many are disappointed with the current administration, numerous others continue to support President Jair Bolsonaro as they did in 2018, when he lent his effusive support to the protesters the last time they downed tools. The failure of the strike is largely due to the fact that the plethora of unions representing truck drivers are not on the same page. Traffic to and from the Port of Santos, Brazil’s busiest port, remained unaltered, and the few protests that did take place in the state of São Paulo targeted Governor João Doria, as opposed to the federal government. Only a few blockades were reported in four states, but they were quickly cleared up. If crude oil and iron ore are excluded-which are largely moved around the country by trains-that rate spikes to 90 percent.įurthermore, in the middle of a deadly pandemic, a new truckers’ strike could disrupt vaccine distribution, interrupt trade routes, and hurt the revenue of millions of families who were left worse off by the end of the government’s COVID-19 emergency aid program.īut, after the country rolled out of bed the first day of February fearing the worst, the promised truckers’ strike was nothing short of a massive flop. Over 60 percent of all cargo in Brazil is transported by trucks. So, when truckers’ unions called for an even larger protest on February 1-citing low freight price minimums and high diesel prices among other grievances-many braced for the worst. Agricultural producers incurred billion-dollar losses to their production as livestock starved to death, dairy products spoiled, and major shipments were delayed. For eleven days, protesters blocked major roadways and goods did not leave storage depots, leading to food and fuel shortages in several parts of the country. In 2018, Brazil was engulfed by chaos as disgruntled truck drivers called a nationwide strike. Careers, Fellowships, and Internships Open/Close.Wahba Institute for Strategic Competition.Science and Technology Innovation Program.Refugee and Forced Displacement Initiative.The Middle East and North Africa Workforce Development Initiative.Kissinger Institute on China and the United States.Nuclear Proliferation International History Project.North Korea International Documentation Project.Environmental Change and Security Program.Hyundai Motor-Korea Foundation Center for Korean History and Public Policy.
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